By Fatima Baloch and Umesh Agarwal
Following the success of the Indian student- and Gen Z-led protest organized by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) at Jantar Mantar on 25 July 2026, many Baloch commentators argued that Indian Gen Z appeared to be more politically influential than Baloch Gen Z. However, an examination of the history of the Baloch student movement presents a different perspective. From this viewpoint, despite deprivation, a lack of basic facilities, and living under occupation, Baloch youth and students have demonstrated greater courage, resilience, and political maturity than the emerging Indian student-led CJP movement. First of all, it should be noted that the Baloch are an ancient Kurd-Arab-rooted nation living on both sides of the borders under Pakistani and Iranian control, as well as in parts of southern Afghanistan, where they are relatively well established. Historically, Balochistan was divided primarily due to British colonial interests in the late nineteenth century. This division created buffer zones between the British Indian Empire, Persia (Iran), and Afghanistan through the Goldsmid Line (1871–1896). When British India was partitioned in 1947, the Khanate of Kalat (Eastern Balochistan) declared its independence on August 12, 1947. Following independence, Balochistan had its own parliament, consisting of an upper and a lower house under a parliamentary system. On the other hand, Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, through the partition of the Indian subcontinent in the name of religion under the so-called Two-Nation Theory, whichwas discredited by the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The Baloch nation had nothing to do with the Muslim League or the creation of Pakistan, as Balochistan had never been part of the Indian subcontinent.
Balochistan remained an independent and sovereign state for nine months. However, Baloch tribal chiefs, Nawabs, and Sardars, in order to preserve their local power and the Nawabi system, opposed the formation of a national army, air force, and navy that could protect and defend an independent Balochistan. Eventually, these Baloch tribal chiefs, Nawabs, and Sardars betrayed the Baloch nation, and Pakistan, with the support of some tribal chiefs regarded as traitors, annexed Balochistan on March 27, 1948. However, some tribal chiefs opposed Pakistan’s occupation and later launched resistance against it. Since then, the Baloch nation has continued its struggle for independence and national identity.
Overall, the Baloch nation is not independent, and its homeland, Balochistan, remains divided between Pakistan and Iran. The Baloch nation has experienced state repression, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and other human rights violations. Baloch society has long been fragmented along what are described as Pakistan’s designed and fabricated lines and influenced by so-called pro-Pakistan tribal leaders, including Sardars and Nawabs, who prioritized preserving their authority over education, development, and improving the standard of living of ordinary people. The Baloch nation has remained divided under local Nawabs and Sardars. Consequently, previous Baloch insurgencies, including the 1948 movement led by Prince Abdul Karim, the 1965 movement led by Babu Nauroz Zehri, and the 1973 movement led by Ataullah Mengal, Khair Bakhsh Marri, and others, failed because neighboring Baloch tribes did not support or participate in these national struggles. It can be argued that neighboring Baloch tribal Sardars and Nawabs, including the Rind, Jamali, Magsi, Bugti, Lehri, Khetran, Buzdar, and Leghari tribes, among others, did not allow their tribes to join these movements in support of the Baloch national cause.
Despite these circumstances, Baloch students founded the Baloch Students Organization (BSO) on 26 November 1967 in Karachi. Initially, the BSO was established to promote Baloch national languages (Balochi and Brahui), raise political awareness, encourage Baloch nationalism, and resist state-backed proxy influences and local Nawabs and Sardars who divided the Baloch nation into tribes, ultimately benefiting the occupying forces. That is why the expansion of the BSO faced strong opposition from influential tribal leaders, particularly in the Koh-e-Suleiman belt, including Sibi, Barkhan, Dera Murad Jamali, Jhal Magsi, Dera Bugti, Kohlu, Jacobabad, Kashmore, and Dera Ghazi Khan. Even today, Baloch national ideology remains weak in these regions because Baloch tribes continue to live under the influence and control of tribal Nawabs and Sardars. Meanwhile, Baloch Gen Z continues to struggle to create political awareness, promote Baloch nationalism, and mobilize the Baloch nation against the so-called Sardars in these districts.
With the course of time, the nationalist ideology promoted by the BSO later influenced the emergence of the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA). Today, in modern Baloch nationalism, the Baloch nationalist movement is no longer led primarily by traditional tribal chiefs, Sardars, or Nawabs, but increasingly by educated members of the younger generation. Leadership has gradually shifted from figures such as Ataullah Mengal, Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri, and Nawab Akbar Bugti to a new generation of grassroots activists and educated Baloch youth. The crystal clear objective is the establishment of a sovereign and democratic Balochistan, and today the BLA and its associated forces have gained popularity in Baloch society. Baloch men, women, and children support the Baloch national army, the BLA, and refer to its fighters as Sarmachars and all freedom fighters are young educated engineers, doctors and graduates. Same time, Baloch Gen Z is working through social media to create political awareness and promote Baloch nationalism among the Baloch masses. In addition, Baloch school, college, and university students are learning their Baloch national languages through WhatsApp, Facebook, and YouTube by using their smartphones as digital Balochi books. The movement has become increasingly organized, developing specialized military and technical structures, including an intelligence wing known as ZIRAB, drone capabilities, naval units, and formations such as the Majeed Brigade, Fateh Unit, Special Technical Operations Squad (STOS), Navy Unit, air force, drone warfare platforms, and women’s units. Public support for the movement has continued to grow amid allegations of state repression and systemic injustice. Pakistan’s military, despite support from China and Turkey, has been facing defeat in Balochistan.
In India, local police equipped with batons, tear gas, and water cannons are generally deployed to handle protesters, whereas in Pakistan, Rangers and the army are deployed to use live firearms during some protests. India is widely regarded as the world’s largest democracy. It is important to note that during the 50-day protest held from 6 June to 25 July 2026 by Indian CJP Gen Z students, only a few people were injured, and no one lost their life. Therefore, it was an overall victory for Indian democracy. In contrast, on 27 July 2026, in Pakistan-administered Kashmir (POK), 21 people were reported killed and 123 seriously injured. During recent protests in Pakistan, including PTI and BYC demonstrations, reports have documented the use of live fire resulting in multiple deaths. In India, the people are the ultimate source of political authority.
Based on history and above discussion Baloch students have made extraordinary sacrifices for their national cause. In contrast, recent student-led protests in India have taken place within the framework of an independent democratic state. In a secular republic and the world’s largest democracy, Indian students have generally been able to organize protests without facing the level of repression that Baloch students have experienced. Meanwhile, Baloch students have been facing continued oppression for decades, and many have lost their lives or have been subjected to enforced disappearances, imprisonment, or other forms of violence in connection with the Baloch nationalist movement.
The Baloch nation respects Indian students and Gen Z-led CJP activists who work to create mass public political awareness, strengthen Indian democracy, and maintain accountability for better democratic governance in India. However, Baloch Gen Z and students cannot be compared with Indian youth because of their different historical, political, and social circumstances. After the independence of Balochistan, Baloch Gen Z will also form an Indian-style CJP to create mass public political awareness, end the tribal system, unite the tribally divided Baloch nation, work for Baloch national languages, strengthen democratic institutions, and maintain accountability for better democratic governance in Balochistan.
About the Author:
Fatima Baloch is a senior geopolitical and regional affairs analyst who writes extensively on Afghanistan, Balochistan, and India, with a focus on regional security dynamics, insurgency movements, and South Asian strategic affairs.
Umesh Agarwal is a geopolitical expert specializing in Balochistan, Afghanistan, India–Pakistan conflicts, the Middle East, international relations, and regional security issues. He is also a senior columnist associated with the digital news platform IndiaChronicle.